Hi
■ ■'■•■-■
I
w
m
m
*x
L-
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
LIBRARY
MEMORIAL
the class of 1901
founded by
HARLAN HOYT HORNER
and
HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER
*7
km
^^^
j
m
WffJ Ih
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012 with funding from
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
http://archive.org/details/abrahamlincolninOObryn
OCTOBER SIXTEEN, EIGHTEEN
HUNDRED FIFTY-FOUR, WAS
A MEMORABLE DAY IN
PEORIA. NONE APPREHENDED
IT THEN, AND BUT FEW
APPRECIATE IT NOW —
SEVENTY YEARS AFTER.
Ahmljam ffitttrtfln
m
fteorta, SUtttotfi
by
1. (E. Irynrr
"3 earn anil Ijearu ffiinrnln
anu Souglaa mljen a boy
Printed in the United States of America
Z/AsCatM
ONE HUNDRED COPIES
PRIVATELY PRINTED
BY
EDWARD J. JACOB,
PRINTER
PEORIA, ILLINOIS
U. S. A.
OCTOBER SIXTEEN
NINETEEN TWENTY-FOUR
NOT FOR SALE
Abraham Htnrnln
'Jll? nmvtb nn areptr?, wnr? no rrrnun,
No arts tgnnble marrei Ijta iags;
Ant» wljpn in rUmft tjtn mtn w^nf town
Gllje worlfc, in iarknmj, sang Ijte prate?!
— S. Patterson Prowse
Late Librarian of the City of Peoria
.v-
RISE TO TH HlfeHT #€& FENERATION
OF FREE All??. WORTHY OF A FREE GOV*
ERNMENT > • f HE PEOPLE $ WILL IS THE
ULTIMATE LAW FOR ALL ""
Abraham Lincoln.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Abraham ©train
MOITAJI3HH0 A iO TH013H 3HT OT MM
•3 J e luaoYP^^WI^ilr^QutOMKraowattaM 33jh so
a Nnlft tfctdffll tBifflflP5tf«fiar THHM^a
;VJJA JI03 WAJ 3TAMITJU
b tun sun men! wmm
m, aaug lita prata?!
e Ctffl of Peoria
a-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
CHAPTER ONE
October 16th, 1854, was a memorable day
in Peoria. None apprehended it then, and but
few appreciate it now — seventy years after.
It was the starting point of the race which
won for Abraham Lincoln the Presidency of
the United States — brought on the War of the
Rebellion — led to the death of a half million
men and twice that number disabled by dis-
ease and wounds. Made free men and women
of four million slaves, and desolated almost
every home in the land. Four years of human
sacrifice and suffering. At every fireside heart-
strings were swept by the fingers of Death.
From a population of thirty-four million, a
million and one-half were taken.
The monument in the Court House square
bears the names of five hundred and twenty-five
boys from Peoria, who died between April,
1861, and April, 1865, and Peoria had then
less than one-tenth its present population. And
the starting point of it all was at Peoria, that
16th day of October, 1854. As the evening
shadows gather, I wander through the halls of
memory and behold a picture of those earlier
days. Peoria — "beautiful view" — for such is
11
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
the meaning of the word in the language of the
Pottawattomies — only a village — bluffs covered
with oak and hickory — undergrowth of hazel
brush and wild blackberry — ravines in which
the wolf still lingered. At the narrows butter-
nuts, wild grapes, plums, pecans, persimmons
and pawpaws. Rope ferries at either end of the
lake — wild ducks floating upon the river's bos-
om. Clouds of black birds darkened the skies.
The honk of the wild geese winging their way
North or South in endless file the whole day
long foretold the season's change. Morning and
evening heard the drumming of partridges, or
the call of the quail in back yards and streets.
Political times: the music of bands — of
drums and fife with drummers and fifers garbed
in colonial costume — the "Spirit of 76." Cam-
paign songs — flags mounted on saplings with
bunches of leaves at the top. Only thirty-four
stars then. Floats with pretty girls in white
representing Columbia and the several states. I
see them at night upon the floor of my home —
sleeping upon improvised beds upon the floor —
my mother cooking for all. Not a completed
railroad in Peoria, October 16th, 1854. No
telegraph — no sewing machine — no telephone
12
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
— tallow candles for illumination — butter, eggs
and milk lowered into the cistern to keep fresh.
And yet all of the comforts and luxury of today
were born of the brain and brawn of that and
the succeeding generation.
Amidst such scenes Lincoln and Douglas
first met in debate in Peoria, October 16th,
1854.
13
CHAPTER TWO
Drown's Peoria City Record of March 4th,
1854, gives the following description of Peoria
at that date:
"PEORIA IN 1854, though only in her
35th year, we will venture to say, is the most
beautiful City in the West, its location is not
surpassed by any, for the God of Nature in
his wisdom formed its site so that there never
was, nor is there any occasion of expending a
thousand dollars to make every street in the
whole City passible. Still, our "City Fathers"
are, and have been for a year or two past, en-
deavoring to improve upon what God, after he
had made it "saw that it was good;" but im-
provement is the order of the day. A few
years since and most of our river towns now
swelling into cities, were insignificant hamlets
with a meagre backwoods population. Many
of my readers will recall to mind, with a smile
of satisfied pride the local and business condi-
tion of our TOWN, when the business was con-
fined to the barter of hazel nuts and eggs, for
buttons, beads, powder and shot. Miniature
stores, based on a capital of a few hundreds,
14
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
consisting mainly of a chest of tea, a sack of
coffee, a keg of three-picayune James' river to-
bacco, a barrel of "bald face," and a dozen
butcher knives. And then again, the "country
folks," after they had been to "town" and in-
dulged a little in the "critur," about once a
week, must have a little more indulgence in
target demonstrations at a candle by night, or
at the body of a turkey drawn with chalk on
an "oak-puncheon." after they had got through
with "trading" and ready to go home. Such
like amusements comprised a good part of the
time and business along our river line of settle-
ments, which are now matters of memory only
and thrown far to the rearward in the onward
march of improvement. Whence the timid
fawn stood by the margin of the stream or
lake, feeding on the luxuriant herbage, or view-
ing its shadow in the limpid wave; or the yell
of the panther awoke the echoes of the wood —
the sonorious breathing of steam engines, or the
more thrilling, loud, long, terrifFic, terrible whis-
tle of a locomotive is heard, and thriving towns
and cities stand out in beauty along the shore,
doing a business of countless thousands in mer-
chandise and produce. Speaking of a locomo-
tive and its whistle, it is now beginning to be
15
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
heard in all our continent — we have heard its
clear shriek in this City for a few months past,
shouting, "take care! take care!! the iron image
moves!" What is that image like? Has it
breath? and what is it? It is like some won-
derful thing seen in a startling dream, imagined
to be for some great purpose inexplicable! It
has breath and arms, hands and feet, and is a
live metal with a steam soul — here now, and in
an hour 40, 50 or 60 miles hence, dragging
after it its weak creator, with its bundles of
rich substances; and sometimes it takes upon
its shoulders great palaces full of human life
and plunges into rivers and lakes and across the
wide prairies; and wherever it goes it whistles!
The lips of a thousand human whistles in one
grand strain united could not raise a note half
so loud and thrilling as the faintest effort of
one iron man. Old men when you hear the
whistle of the iron man of this day, do you
ever think of the time you whistled to "drive
off fear," or "drive dull cares away?" — How
loud you could "sound," how the woods would
ring and the hills echo with the tunes that
"come natural." How pleasant you felt whistl-
ing. You never expected then to hear a big
piece of iron whistle louder than you could!
16
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
You can hear it now. The iron whistle is every
man's musician — he is the particular favorite of
the fast spirit enterprise, and the children of
trade dance to the melody of his strain, while
cold eyed speculation smiles, and grim-faced
avarice laughs aloud when he whistles in the
distance."
(A fac-simile photograph of this four page
paper will be found on the last pages of this
book.)
17
CHAPTER THREE
Although not six years of age I recall the
day perfectly. I was a strong "Douglas man"
— how he would appeal to a boy of that per-
iod. The "Little Giant" — the foremost states-
man of the day — arrayed in frock coat and
black pants, wearing a high silk hat, white
shirt and collar, with black stock. He came to
our western village where such things were un-
known — a being superior and supreme in my
regard.
The Democratic Committee had appointed a
Committee of sixty to arrange for his reception,
and had passed the following resolution:
"Resolved: That the Democracy of Peoria
County who wish to take part in the public
reception of Judge Douglas be requested to meet
at the "Three Mile House" (Potter's), on the
Farmington road on Monday, the 16th inst.,
at 9 o'clock A. M. All who do so are requested
to appear on horseback."
The Peoria Republican of Oct. 19, 1854
says —
"Mr. Douglas rode into our city yesterday at
the head of a triumphal procession, seated in a
18
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
carriage drawn by four beautiful white palfreys
and preceded by a band of music. Cannon
boomed in welcome to the distinguished visitor
and the cheers of his friends resounded through
our quiet streets. He was waited upon by a
committee of the faithful and escorted to the
place of speaking, and the "distinguished chair-
man" (Washington Cockle) welcomed him to
Peoria County in a terse and eloquent speech
in which he seemed to assume that the Judge
was the great man of the age — the greatest man
of any age in the past, and greater than any man
that may flourish in any age in the future."
In strange contrast was the quiet — undemon-
strative entry of the tall, lank, homely and awk-
ward Lincoln whose name and fame was to ring
through the ages — Child of the Soil — friend of
the people — the Emancipator of a race.
Child-like in his faith —
God-like in his courage —
Christ-like in his martyrdom.
The events which led up to this meeting form
a fascinating page in the history of our coun-
try and will deserve the attention of the student
who wishes to familiarize himself with the de-
velopment of free America as it exists today.
19
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
The immediate cause of the famous Lincoln-
Douglas debates, of which the Peoria meeting
was the forerunner, was the Kansas-Nebraska
bill introduced into the United States Senate
in January, 1854, by Judge Douglas, which
became a law May 31st, 1854.
This bill provided for the creation of two
vast territories to be called respectively, Kansas
and Nebraska. The inhabitants were to be al-
lowed to decide for themselves whether or not
slavery was to be permitted within their respec-
tive limits. The passage of this bill created
sectional rancor and discord. The North saw
in the measure a scheme to make slavery Na-
tional, and Southern statesmen confirmed the
opinion. Robert Toombs of Georgia, who after-
wards became a member of the Confederate Cab-
inet, declared he would "yet live to call the
roll of his slaves on Bunker's Hill." Squatters
(Immigrants) flocked to Kansas and Nebraska
from North and South — the one element firm
to prevent the extension of slavery into these
sections, the other seeking to create new slave
territory. This question became known as the
doctrine of "Squatter Sovereignty."
20
CHAPTER FOUR
The Peoria debate could hardly be called a
prearranged affair. A short time before the
Peoria meeting, Judge Douglas had addressed
the crowd at the State Fair held in Springfield,
and the Whigs had arranged with Judge Lyman
Trumble to make reply upon the day follow-
ing, but be failed to appear, and Mr. Lincoln
was called upon to fill his place. The Demo-
crats had arranged a series of meetings for Judge
Douglas — the first to be held at Peoria, October
16th. So soon as announcement of these meet-
ings was made, the Whigs in Peoria got busy
and an invitation was sent to Mr. Lincoln to
appear and make answer. This invitation was
signed by:
John Hamlin
A. P. Bartlett
Lorin G. Pratt
Dr. Joseph C. Frye
Charles Ballance
George C. Bestor
Hugh W. Reynolds
Alexander McCoy
John Dredge
John D. Arnold
21
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Jonathan K. Cooper
George W. McClellan
Thomas Bryant
John T. Lindsay
John A. McCoy
David D. Irons
Valentine Dewein
William A. Herron
Edward Dickinson
and John King
(A facsimile of this invitation is given upon
another page.)
22
LINCOLN'S INVITATION To PEORIA
"
■
•
<&#fZ*~J> y.-ir^. l--^ L^S) l£~ e&^s-.^—: •• '-='—^5
~^!-c-, <=-£"- 1*-v <-Cs£-ZZ~^T- etas-. . cX-ri <-<ay -Us. U~
■■ <. j ZZc.
/
(l^Utm
i vslmtlc "' l.urr Sol bj
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Mr. Lincoln accepted the invitation and it
was afterwards arranged that Mr. Douglas was
to speak first — Lincoln to follow, and Douglas
to close. No limit was set as to time each was
to occupy.
The meeting had been advertised as a Doug-
las meeting. A platform had been erected upon
the South side of the old Court House, en-
trance to which was through a window from
the office of the Circuit Clerk. Judge Douglas
commenced his speech at half after two and did
not conclude until after five o'clock. I now
quote from an account given by the late Dr.
Robert Boal of Peoria:
"After he concluded, Mr. Lincoln arose and
said he had a proposal to make to the audience
which was, that they go home and get their
suppers, then come back and he would talk to
them. As an additional inducement, he said
that Senator Douglas had the closing speech, and
if you would like to see him skin me, you had
better come back. The people had stood for
nearly three hours in front of the steps of the
old court house, from which the speakers ad-
dressed them. They were tired from standing
so long, but they came back in increased num-
24
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
ber, and with increased interest. At about 7
o'clock, Mr. Lincoln slowly arose, and, after
surveying the large audience, commenced his
speech by saying": 'He thought he could appre-
ciate an argument, and, at times, believed he
could make one, but when one denied the set-
tled and plainest facts of history, you could not
argue with him; the only thing you could do,
would be to stop his mouth with a corn cob.'
"I write this as I recollect it, and I believe I
have given it substantially as he said it. Sena-
tor Douglas had an appointment to speak at
Lacon the next day. The late Judge Silas Ram-
sey and myself went to Peoria to hear the
speeches and to induce Mr. Lincoln to go to
Lacon the next day to answer Senator Douglas.
He agreed to go. We took him up in a car-
riage. Senator Douglas went up in the mail
steamer to Chillicothe, which connected with
the branch of the Rock Island, which was only
finished to that point. A number of Peorians
went up on the boat and took the train to
Sparland. Among them was the late Judge
Powell of Peoria. In the conversation which
took place between the senator and the judge,
the latter told the senator that Mr. Lincoln was
25
B. C. BRYNER
Through whose efforts this book was made possible.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
on the way up to Lacon to reply to him. Mr.
Douglas was surprised to hear it, but said little
in reply. He did not expect to meet Mr. Lin-
coln. When we arrived about 1 o'clock at Lacon,
we found Senator Douglas at the hotel. Mr.
Lincoln went in to see him, and, after a few
minutes, came out and told his friends that Mr.
Douglas said he was sick and worn out, and
would not speak. Mr. Lincoln with his usual
magnanimity, said he would not take advantage
of him and would make no speech. The people
were greatly disappointed. Nearly half the pop-
ulation in the county were in town to hear the
distinguished men. An agreement was made
between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln that
both would go home and stop their meetings.
Mr. Lincoln left soon after the arrangement was
made. Senator Douglas remained until the next
day, and left ostensibly for Chicago. I was
going to Chicago and was with him in the
omnibus. Between Lacon and Sparland a car-
riage met us and stopped the omnibus. Senator
Douglas got out of it, and took his satchel with
him. I said to him, 'I thought you intended to
go to Chicago?' 'Yes,' he said, 'but I will catch
the train at Henry.' Instead of taking the
27
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
train at Henry, he went to Princeton, in Bureau
county, and made a speech that day which
Owen Lovejoy answered. In so doing, he vio-
lated the agreement made with Mr. Lincoln
and made a remarkably rapid recovery from
his illness."
28
CHAPTER FIVE
SPEECH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AT
PEORIA, ILL., (OCT. 16, 1854)
IN REPLY TO SENATOR
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS
I insist that if there is anything which it is
the duty of the whole people never to intrust to
any hands but their own, that thing is the
preservation and perpetuity of their own liber-
ties and institutions. And if they shall think,
as I do, that the extension of slavery endangers
them more than any or all other causes, how
recreant to themselves if they submit the ques-
tion, and with it the fate of their country, to
a mere handful of men bent only to self-inter-
est. If this question of slavery extension were
an insignificant one — one having no power to
do harm — it might be shuffled aside in this
way; and being, as it is, the great Behemoth
of danger, shall the strong grip of the nation
be loosened upon him, to intrust him to the
hands of such feeble keepers?
But Nebraska is urged as a great Union-sav-
ing measure. Well, I too go for saving the
Union. Much as I hate slavery, I would con-
sent to the extension of it rather than see the
29
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Union dissolved, just as I would consent to any-
great evil to avoid a greater one. But when I
go to Union-saving, I must believe, at least,
that the means I employ have some adaptation
to the end. To my mind, Nebraska has no
such adaptation.
It hath no relish of salvation in it. It is
an aggravation, rather, of the only one thing
which ever endangers the Union. When it
came upon us, all was peace and quiet. The
nation was looking to the forming of new
bonds of union, and a long course of peace and
prosperity seemed to lie before us. In the whole
range of possibility, there scarcely appears to me
to have been anything out of which the slavery
agitation could have been revived, except the
very project of repealing the Missouri Com-
promise. Every inch of territory we owned
already had a definite settlement of the slavery
question, by which all parties were pledged to
abide. Indeed, there was no uninhabited coun-
try on the continent which we could acquire,
if we except some extreme northern regions
which are wholly out of the question.
In this state of affairs the Genius of Discord
himself could scarcely have invented a way
30
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
of again setting us by the ears but by turning
back and destroying the peace measures of the
past. The counsels of that Genius seem to
have prevailed. The Missouri Compromise
was repealed; and here we are in the midst of a
new slavery agitation, such, I think, as we have
never seen before. Who is responsible for this?
Is it those who resist the measure, or those who
causelessly brought it forward and pressed it
through, having reason to know, and in fact
knowing, it must and would be so resisted? It
could not but be expected by its author that it
would be looked upon as a measure for the ex-
tension of slavery, aggravated by a gross breach
of faith.
Argue as you will and long as you will, this
is the naked front and aspect of the measure.
And in this aspect it could not but produce
agitation. Slavery is founded in the selfishness
of man's nature — opposition to it in his love of
justice. These principles are an eternal antag-
onism, and when brought into collision so
fiercely as slavery extension brings them, shocks
and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly fol-
low. Repeal the Missouri Compromise, repeal
all compromises, repeal the Declaration of Inde-
31
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
pendence, repeal all past history, you still can-
not repeal human nature. It still will be the
abundance of man's heart that slavery exten-
sion is wrong, and out of the abundance of
his heart his mouth will continue to speak.
The structure, too, of the Nebraska bill is very
peculiar. The people are to decide the ques-
tion of slavery for themselves; but when they
are to decide, or how they are to decide, or
whether, when the question is once decided, it
is to remain so or is to be subject to an indefi-
nite succession of new trials, the law does not
say. Is it to be decided by the first dozen set-
tlers who arrive there, or is it to await the ar-
rival of a hundred? Is it to be decided by a
vote of the people or a vote of the legislature,
or, indeed, by a vote of any sort? To these
questions the law gives no answer. There is a
mystery about this; for when a member pro-
posed to give the legislature express authority
to exclude slavery, it was hooted down by the
friends of the bill. This fact is worth remem-
bering. Some Yankees in the East are sending
emigrants to Nebraska to exclude slavery from
it; and, so far as I can judge, they expect the
quesion to be decided by voting in some way or
32
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
other. But the Missourians are awake, too.
They are within a stone's-throw of the contest-
ed ground. They hold meetings and pass reso-
lutions, in which not the slightest allusion to
voting is made. They resolve that slavery al-
ready exists in the Territory; that more shall
go there; that they, remaining in Missouri, will
protect it, and that Abolitionists shall be hung
or driven away. Through all this bowie-
knives and six shooters are seen plainly enough,
but never a glimpse of the ballot-box.
And, really, what is the result of all this?
Each party within having numerous and de-
termined backers without, is it not probable
that the contest will come to blows and blood-
shed? Could there be a more apt invention to
bring about collision and the violence on the
slavery question than this Nebraska project is?
I do not charge or believe that such was intend-
ed by Congress; but if they had literally formed
a ring and placed champions within it to fight
out the controversy, the fight could be no more
likely to come off than it is. And if this fight
should begin, is it likely to take a very peaceful
Union-saving turn? Will not the first drop of
blood so shed be the real knell of the Union?
33
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
The Missouri Compromise ought to be re-
stored. For the sake of the Union, it ought to
be restored. We ought to elect a House of
Representatives which will vote its restoration.
If by any means we omit to do this, what fol-
lows? Slavery may or may not be established
in Nebraska. But whether it be or not, we
shall have repudiated — discarded from the coun-
cils of the nation — the spirit of compromise;
for who, after this, will ever trust in a national
compromise? The spirit of mutual concession
— that sipirit which first gave us the Constitu-
tion, and which has thrice saved the Union —
we shall have strangled and cast from us for-
ever. And what shall we have in lieu of it?
The South flushed with triumph and tempted
to excess; the North, betrayed as they believe,
brooding on wrong and burning for revenge.
One side will provoke, the other resent. The
one will taunt, the other defy; one aggresses,
the other retaliates. Already a few in the North
defy all constitutional restraints, resist the exe-
cution of the fugitive-slave law, and even
menace the institution of slavery in the States
where it exists. Already a few in the South
claim the constitutional right to take and to
34
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
hold slaves in the free States — demand the re-
vival of the slave-trade — and demand a treaty
with Great Britain by which fugitive slaves may
be reclaimed from Canada. As yet they are
but few on either side. It is a grave question
for lovers of the Union, whether the final de-
struction of the Missouri Compromise, and with
it the spirit of all compromise, will or will not
embolden and embitter each of these, and fatal-
ly increase the number of both.
But restore the compromise, and what then?
We thereby restore the national faith, the na-
tional confidence, the national feeling of broth-
erhood. We thereby reinstate the spirit of con-
cession and compromise, that spirit which has
never failed us in past perils, and which may be
safely trusted for all the future. The South
ought to join in doing this. The peace of the
nation is as dear to them as to us. In memor-
ies of the past and hopes of the future, they
share as largely as we. It would be on their
part a great act — great in its spirit, and great
in its effects. It would be worth to the nation
a hundred year's purchase of peace and prosper-
ity. And what of sacrifice would they make?
They only surrender to us what they gave us
35
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
for a consideration long, long ago; what they
have not now asked for, struggled or cared for;
what has been thrust upon them, not less to
their astonishment than to ours.
But it is said we cannot restore it; that
though we elect every member of the lower
House, the Senate is still against us. It is quite
true that of the senators who passed the Ne-
braska bill, a majority of the whole Senate will
retain their seats in spite of the elections of this
and the next year. But if at these elections
their several constituencies shall clearly express
their will against Nebraska, will these senators
disregard their will? Will they neither obey
nor make room for those who will?
But even if we fail to technically restore the
compromise, it is still a great point to carry a
popular vote in favor of the restoration. The
moral weight of such a vote cannot be esti-
mated too highly. The authors of Nebraska are
not at all satisfied with the destruction of the
compromise — an indorsement of this principle
they proclaim to be the great object. With
them, Nebraska alone is a small matter — to es-
tablish a principle for future use is what they
particularly desire.
36
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
The future use is to be the planting of slavery
wherever in the wide world local and unor-
ganized opposition cannot prevent it. Now, if
you wish to give them this indorsement, if you
wish to establish this principle, do so. I shall
regret it, but it is your right. On the contrary,
if you are opposed to the principle, — intend to
give it no such indorsement, — let no wheedling,
no sophistry, divert you from throwing a direct
vote against it.
Some men, mostly Whigs, who condemn the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, nevertheless
hesitate to go for its restoration, lest they be
thrown in company with the Abolitionists.
Will they allow me, as an old Whig, to tell
them, good-humoredly, that I think this is very
silly? Stand with anybody that stands right.
Stand with him while he is right, and part with
him when he goes wrong. Stand with the Abo-
litionist in restoring the Missouri Compromise,
and stand against him when he attempts to
repeal the fugitive-slave law. In the latter case
you stand with the Southern disunionist. What
of that? You are still right. In both cases you
are right. In both cases you expose the danger-
ous extremes. In both you stand on middle
37
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
ground, and hold the ship level and steady. In
both you are national, and nothing less than
national. This is the good old Whig ground.
To desert such ground because of any company,
is to be less than a Whig — less than a man —
less than an American.
I particularly object to the new position
which the avowed principle of this Nebraska
law gives to slavery in the body politic. I ob-
ject to it because it assumes that there can be
moral right in the enslaving of one man by
another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance
for a free people — a sad evidence that, feeling
prosperity, we forget right; that liberty, as a
principle, we have ceased to revere. I object
to it because the fathers of the republic eschewed
and rejected it. The argument of "necessity"
was the only argument they ever admitted in
favor of slavery; and so far, and so far only, as
it carried them did they ever go. They found
the institution existing among us, which they
could not help, and they cast blame upon the
British king for having permitted its introduc-
tion. Before the Constitution they prohibited
its introduction into the Northwestern Terri-
tory, the only country we owned then free from
38
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
it. At the framing and adoption of the Con-
stitution, they forbore to so much as mention
the word "slave" or "slavery" in the whole
instrument. In the provision for the recovery
of fugitives, the slave is spoken of as a "per-
son held to serve or labor." In that prohibiting
the abolition of the African slave-trade for
twenty years, that trade is spoken of as "the
migration or importation of such persons as
any of the States now existing shall think prop-
er to admit," etc. These are the only provisions
alluding to slavery. Thus the thing is hid
away in the Constitution, just as an afflicted
man hides away a wen or cancer which he does
not cut out at once, lest he bleed to death, —
with the promise, nevertheless, that the cutting
may begin at a certain time. Less than this
our fathers could not do, and more they would
not do. Necessity drove them so far, and
further they would not go. But this is not all.
The earliest Congress under the Constitution
took the same view of slavery. They hedged
and hemmed it in to the narrowest limits of
necessity.
In 1794 they prohibited an outgoing slave-
trade — that is, the taking of slaves from the
39
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
United States to sell. In 1798 they prohibited
the bringing of slaves from Africa into the Mis-
sissippi Territory, this Territory then compris-
ing what are now the States of Mississippi and
Alabama. This was ten years before they had
the authority to do the same thing as to the
States existing at the adoption of the Constitu-
tion. In 1800 they prohibited American citi-
zens from trading in slaves between foreign
countries, as, for instance from Africa to Brazil.
In 1803 they passed a law in aid of one or two
slave-State laws, in restraint of the internal
slave-trade. In 1807, in apparent hot haste,
they passed the law nearly a year in advance, —
to take effect the first day of 1808, the very first
day the Constitution would permit, — prohibit-
ing the African slave-trade by heavy pecuniary
and corporal penalties. In 1820, finding these
provisions ineffectual, they declared the slave-
trade piracy, and annexed to it the extreme pen-
alty of death. While all this was passing in the
General Government, five or six of the original
slave States had adopted systems of gradual
emancipation, by which the institution was
rapidly becoming extinct within their limits.
Thus we see that the plain, unmistakable spirit
40
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
of that age toward slavery was hostility to the
principle and toleration only by necessity.
But now it is to be transformed into a
"sacred right." Nebraska brings it forth, places
it on the highroad to extension and perpetuity,
and with a pat on its back says to it, "Go, and
God speed you." Henceforth it is to be the
chief jewel of the nation — the very figurehead
of the ship of state. Little by little, but steadily
as man's march to the grave, we have been giv-
ing up the old for the new faith. Near eighty
years ago we began by declaring that all men are
created equal; but now from that beginning
we have run down to the other declaration, that
for some men to enslave others is a "sacred
right of self-government." These principles
cannot stand together. They are as opposite as
God and Mammon; and whoever holds to the
one must despise the other. When Pettit, in
connection with his support of the Nebraska
bill, called the Declaration of Independence "a
self-evident lie," he only did what consistency
and candor require all other Nebraska men to
do. Of the forty-odd Nebraska senators who
sat present and heard him, no one rebuked him.
Nor am I apprised that any Nebraska news-
41
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
paper, or any Nebraska orator, in the whole na-
tion has ever yet rebuked him. If this had been
said among Marion's men, Southerners though
they were, what would have become of the man
who said it? If this had been said to the men
who captured Andre, the man who said it would
probably have been hung sooner than Andre
was. If it had been said in old Independence
Hall seventy-eight years ago, the very doorkeep-
er would have throttled the man and thrust him
into the street. Let no one be deceived. The
spirit of seventy-six and the spirit of Nebraska
are utter antagonisms; and the former is being
rapidly displaced by the latter.
Fellow-countrymen, Americans, South as
well as North, shall we make no effort to ar-
rest this? Already the liberty party throughout
the world express the apprehension "that the
one retrograde institution in America is un-
dermining the principles of progress, and fatal-
ly violating the noblest political system the
world ever saw." This is not the taunt of
enemies, but the warning of friends. Is it quite
safe to disregard it — to despise it? Is there no
danger to liberty itself in discarding the earliest
practice and first precept of our ancient faith?
42
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
In our greedy chase to make profit of the negro,
let us beware lest we "cancel and tear in pieces"
even the white man's charter of freedom.
Our republican robe is soiled and trailed in
the dust. Let us rcpurify it. Let us turn and
wash it white in the spirit, if not the blood,
of the Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its
claims of "moral right" back upon its existing
legal right and its arguments of "necessity."
Let us return it to the position our fathers gave
it, and there let it rest in peace. Let us readopt
the Declaration of Independence, and with it
the practices and policy which harmonize with
it. Let North and South — let all Americans —
let all lovers of liberty everywhere join in the
great and good work. If we do this, we shall
not only have saved the Union, but we shall
have so saved it as to make and to keep it for-
ever worthy of the saving. We shall have so
saved it that the succeeding millions of free
happy people, the world over, shall rise up and
call us blessed to the latest generations.
Ac Springfield, twelve days ago, where I had
spoken substantially as I have here, Judge Doug-
las replied to me; and as he is to reply to me
here, I shall attempt to anticipate him by notic-
43
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
ing some of the points he made there. He com-
menced by stating I had assumed all the way
through that the principle of the Nebraska bill
would have the effect of extending slavery. He
denied that this was intended, or that this ef-
fect would follow.
I will not reopen the argument upon this
point. That such was the intention the world
believed at the start, and will continue to be-
lieve. This was the countenance of the thing,
and both friends and enemies instantly recog-
nized it as such. That countenance cannot now
be changed by argument. You can as easily
argue the color out of the negro's skin. Like
the ''bloody hand," you may wash it and wash
it, the red witness of guilt still sticks and stares
horribly at you.
Next he says that congressional intervention
never prevented slavery anywhere; that it did
not prevent it in the Northwestern Territory,
nor in Illinois; that, in fact, Illinois came into
the Union as a slave State; that the principle of
the Nebraska bill expelled it from Illinois, from
several old States, from everywhere.
Now this is more quibbing all the way
through. If the ordinance of '87 did not keep
44
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
slavery out of the Northwest Territory, how
happens it that the northwest shore of the Ohio
River is entirely free from it, while the south-
east shore, less than a mile distant, along nearly
the whole length of the river, is entirely cov-
ered with it?
If that ordinance did not keep it out of Illi-
nois, what was it that made the difference be-
tween Illinois and Missouri? They lie side by
side, the Mississippi River only dividing them
while their early settlements were within the
same latitude. Between 1810 and 1820, the
number of slaves in Missouri increased 7211,
while in Illinois in the same ten years they de-
creased 51. This appears by the census returns.
During nearly all of that ten years both were
Territories, not States. During this time the
ordinance forbade slavery to go into Illinois,
and nothing forbade it to go into Missouri.
It did go into Missouri, and did not go into
Illinois. That is the fact. Can any one doubt
as to the reason of it? But he says Illinois
came into the Union as a slave State. Silence,
perhaps, would be the best answer to this flat
contradiction of the known history of the
country. What are the facts upon which this
45
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
bold assertion is based? When we first acquired
the country, as far back as 1787, there were
some slaves within it held by the French inhab-
itants of Kaskaskia. The territorial legislation
admitted a few negroes from the slave States
as indentured servants. One year after the
adoption of the first State constitution, the
whole number of them was — what do you
think? Just one hundred and seventeen, while
the aggregate free population was 55,094, —
about four hundred and seventy to one. Upon
this state of facts the people framed their con-
stitution prohibiting the further introduction of
slavery, with a sort of guarantee to the owners
of the few indentured servants, giving freedom
to their children to be born thereafter, and
making no mention whatever of any supposed
slave for life. Out of this small matter the
judge manufactures his argument that Illinois
came into the Union as a slave State. Let the
facts be the answer to the argument.
The principles of the Nebraska bill, he says,
expelled slavery from Illinois. The principle
of that bill first planted it here — that is, it
first came because there was no law to prevent
it, first came before we owned the country; and
46
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
finding it here, and having the ordinance of
'87 to prevent its increasing, our people strug-
gled along, and finally got rid of it as best they
could.
But the principle of the Nebraska bill abolish-
ed slavery in several of the old States. Well,
it is true that several of the old States, in the
last quarter of the last century, did adopt sys-
tems of gradual emancipation by which the in-
stitution has finally become extinct within their
limits; but it may or may not be true that the
principle of the Nebraska bill was the cause that
led to the adoption of these measures. It is
now more than fifty years since the last of these
States adopted its sysem of emancipation.
If the Nebraska bill is the real author of the
benevolent works, it is rather deplorable that
it has for so long a time ceased working alto-
gether. Is there not some reason to suspect that
it was the principle of the Revolution, and not
the principle of the Nebraska bill, that led to
emancipation in these old States? Leave it to
the people of these old emancipating States, and
I am quite certain they will decide that neither
that nor any other good thing ever did or ever
will come of the Nebraska bill.
47
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
In the course of my argument, Judge Doug-
las interrupted me to say that the principle of
the Nebraska bill was very old; that it origi-
nated when God made man, and placed good
and evil before him, allowing him to choose
for himself, being responsible for the choice he
should make. At the time I thought this was
merely playful, and I answered it accordingly.
But in his reply to me he renewed it as a ser-
ious argument. In seriousness, then, the facts
of this proposition are not true as stated. God
did not place good and evil before man, telling
him to make his choice. On the contrary, he
did tell him there was one tree of the fruit of
which he should not eat, upon pain of certain
death. I should scarcely wish so strong a pro-
hibition against slavery in Nebraska.
But this argument strikes me as not a little
remarkable in another particular — in its strong
resemblance to the old argument for the "divine
right of kings." By the latter, the king is to
do just as he pleases with his white subjects,
being responsible to God alone. By the former,
the white man is to do just as he pleases with
his black slaves, being responsible to God alone.
The two things are precisely alike, and it is but
48
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
natural that they should find similar arguments
to sustain them.
I had argued that the application of the prin-
ciple of self-government, as contended for,
would require the revival of the African slave-
trade: that no argument could be made in favor
of a man's right to take slaves to Nebraska,
which could not be equally well made in favor
of his right to bring them from the coast of
Africa. The judge replied that the Constitution
requires the suppression of the foreign slave-
trade, but does not require the prohibition of
slavery in the Territories. That is a mistake in
point of fact. The Constitution does not re-
quire the action of Congress in either case, and
it does authorize it in both. And so there is
still no difference between the cases.
In regard to what I have said of the advantage
the slave States have over the free in the matter
of representation, the judge replied that we in
the free States count five free negroes as five
white people, while in the slave States they
count five slaves as three whites only; and that
the advantage, at last, was on the side of the
free States.
49
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Now, in the slave States they count free
negroes just as we do; and it so happens that
besides their slaves, they have as many free
negroes as we have, and thirty thousand over.
Thus, their free negroes more than balance ours;
and their advantage over us, in consequence of
their slaves, still remains as I stated it.
In reply to my argument that the compromise
measure of 1850 were a system of equivalents,
and that the provisions of no one of them could
fairly be carried to other subjects without its
corresponding equivalent being carried with it,
the judge denied outright that these measures
had any connection with or dependence upon
each other. This is mere desperation. If they
had no connection, why are they always spoken
of in connection? Why has he so spoken of
them a thousand times? Why has he con-
stantly called them a series of measures? Why
does everybody call them a compromise? Why
was California kept out of the Union six or
seven months, if it was not because of its con-
nection with the other measures? Webster's
leading definition of the verb "to compromise"
is "to adjust and settle a difference, by mutual
agreement, with concessions of claims by the
50
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
parties." This conveys precisely the popular
understanding of the word "compromise."
We knew, before the judge told us, that these
measures passed separately, and in distinct bills,
and that no two of them were passed by the
votes of precisely the same members. But we
also know, and so does he know, that no one
of them could have passed both branches of
Congress but for the understanding that the
others were to pass also. Upon this under-
standing, each got votes which it could have
got in no other way. It is this fact which
gives to the measures their true character; and
it is the universal knowledge of this fact that
has given them the name of "compromise," so
expressive of that true character.
I had asked "if, in carrying the Utah and
New Mexico laws to Nebraska, you could clear
away other objection, but could you leave Ne-
braska 'perfectly free' to introduce slavery be-
fore she forms a constitution during her terri-
torial government, while the Utah and New
Mexico laws only authorize it when they form
constitutions and are admitted into the Union?"
To this Judge Douglas answered that the Utah
and New Mexico laws also authorized it be-
51
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
fore; and to prove this he read from one of their
laws, as follows: "That the legislative power
of said territory shall extend to all rightful sub-
jects of legislation, consistent with the Consti-
tution of the United States and the provisions
of this act."
Now it is perceived from the reading of this
that there is nothing express upon the subject,
but that the authority is sought to be implied
merely for the general provision of "all rightful
subjects of legislation." In reply to this I in-
sist, as a legal rule of construction, as well as
the plain, popular view of the matter, that the
express provisions for Utah and New Mexico
coming in with slavery, if they choose, when
they shall form constitutions, is an exclusion
of all implied authority on the same subject;
that Congress, having the subject distinctly in
their minds when they made the express pro-
vision, they therein expressed their whole mean-
ing on that subject.
The judge rather insinuated that I had found
it convenient to forget the Washington terri-
torial law passed in 1853. This was a division
of Oregon organizing the northern part as the
Territory of Washington. He asserted that by
52
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
this act the ordinance of '87, theretofore exist-
ing in Oregon, was repealed; that nearly all the
members of Congress voted for it, beginning in
the House of Representatives with Charles Al-
len of Massachusetts, and ending with Richard
Yates of Illinois; and that he could not under-
stand how those who now oppose the Nebraska
bill so voted there, unless it was because it was
then too soon after both the great political par-
ties had ratified the compromises of 1850, and
the ratification therefore was too fresh to be
then repudiated.
Now I had seen the Washington act before,
and I have carefully examined it since; and I
aver that there is no repeal of the ordinance
of '87, or of any prohibition of slavery, in it.
In express terms, there is absolutely nothing in
the whole law upon the subject — in fact, noth-
ing to lead a reader to think of the subject. To
my judgment it is equally free from everything
from which repeal can be legally implied; but
however this may be, are men now to be en-
trapped by a legal implication, extracted from
covert language, introduced perhaps for the very
purpose of entrapping them? I sincerely wish
every man could read this law quite through,
53
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
carefully watching every sentence and every line
for a repeal of the ordinance of '87, or anything
equivalent to it.
Another point on the Washington act. If
it was intended to be modeled after the Utah
and New Mexico acts, as Judge Douglas insists,
why was it not inserted in it, as in them, that
Washington was to come in with or without
slavery as she may choose at the adoption of her
constitution? It has no such provision in it;
and I defy the ingenuity of a man to give a
reason for the omission, other than that it was
not intended to follow the Utah and New Mex-
ico laws in regard to the question of slavery.
The Washington act not only differs vitally
from the Utah and New Mexico acts, but the
Nebraska act differs vitally from both. By the
latter act the people are left "perfectly free" to
regulate their own domestic concerns, etc.; but
in all the former, all their laws are to be sub-
mitted to Congress, and if disapproved are to
be null. The Washington act goes even further;
it absolutely prohibits the territorial legislature,
by very strong and guarded language, from es-
tablishing banks or borrowing money on the
faith of the Territory. Is this the sacred right
54
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
of self-government we hear vaunted so much?
No sir; the Nebraska bill finds no model in the
act of '50 or the Washington act. It finds no
model in any law from Adam till today. As
Phillips says of Napoleon, the Nebraska act is
grand, gloomy and peculiar, wrapped in the
solitude of its own originality, without a model
and without a shadow upon the earth.
In the course of his reply Senator Douglas
remarked in substance that he had always con-
sidered this government was made for the white
people and not for the negroes. Why, in point
of mere fact, I think so too. But in this re-
mark of the judge there is a significance which
I think is the key to the great mistake (if there
is any such mistake) which he has made in
this Nebraska measure. It shows that the judge
has no very vivid impression that the negro is
human, and consequently has no idea that there
can be any moral question in legislating about
him. In his view the question of whether a new
country shall be slave or free, is a matter of as
utter indifference as it is whether his neighbor
shall plant his farm with tobacco or stock it
with horned cattle. Now, whether this view is
right or wrong, it is very certain that the great
55
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
mass of mankind take a totally different view.
They consider slavery a great moral wrong, and
their feeling against it is not evanescent, but
eternal. It lies at the very foundation of their
sense of justice, and it cannot be trifled with.
It is a great and durable element of popular
action, and I think no statesman can safely dis-
regard it.
Our Senator also objects that those who op-
pose him in this matter do not entirely agree
with one another. He reminds me that in my
firm adherence to the constitutional rights of the
slave States, I differ widely from others who
are co-operating with me in opposing the Ne-
braska bill, and he says it is not quite fair to
oppose him in this variety of ways. He should
remember that he took us by surprise — astound-
ed us by this measure. We were thunderstruck
and stunned, and we reeled and fell in utter
confusion. But we rose, each fighting, grasping
whatever he could first reach — a scythe, a pitch-
fork, a chopping ax, or a butcher's cleaver. We
struck in the direction of the sound, and we
were rapidly closing in upon him. He must not
think to divert us from our purpose by show-
ing us that our drill, our dress, and our weapons
56
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
are not entirely perfect and uniform. When the
storm shall be past he shall find us still Ameri-
cans, no less devoted to the continued union and
prosperity of the country than heretofore.
57
LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS
THE PEORIA DEBATES
and LINCOLN'S POWER
A Broadside Published 1866 by¥m. H. Herndon,
of Springfield, 111., Lincoln's Law Partner
The writer of this has been placed wrongly
on a particular record. The work to which
allusion is made is a Biography of Mr. Lincoln,
written and published in Springfield, Mass. I
have hitherto abstained from exposing the
mistake, first, because I thought it might injure
the sale of the Biography, and second, because
I knew the people would soon see the error.
It is now time to speak. The facts are both
interesting and important; they show Douglas
opinion of the strength of Mr. Lincoln; they
show the goodness of Mr. Lincoln, and they
explain an event of interest. Hence I assert
that the facts are interesting and important,
and should therefore be known, in justice to
all.
Now for the facts. Senator Douglas made
a speech in the city of Springfield, Illinois, in
58
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
1854. It was delivered to a large and intelli-
gent audience in the Hall of the House of Repre-
sentatives, October 4th, 1854; it was in the
day time, and during the State Fair. Mr. Lin-
coln was present at the speech, heard it atten-
tively, took notes, and prepared himself to
answer it the next day. The next day — say
at one o'clock P. M., Mr. Lincoln made his ap-
pearance in the same hall and then and there
spoke to a similar audience — equal in number
and intelligence. — Senator Douglas spoke for
about two and one half hours the day before.
Mr. Lincoln spoke on the 5th day of October
about three and one half hours. Much enthus-
iasm prevailed at the time of these speeches.
Senator Douglas replied to Mr. Lincoln on the
same day and to the same audience. Douglas
in reply spoke eloquently and energetically for
about one hour. Senator Douglas at that time
had a published list of appointments — say com-
mencing at Springfield, October 4th, at Peoria,
October the 16th, at Lacon on the 17th, at
Princeton on the 18th, and at Aurora on the
19th. Mr. Lincoln's friends asked — nay actu-
ally petitioned Mr. Lincoln, praying that he
would follow Douglas and answer him when-
59
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
ever and wherever he spoke. Douglas did go
to Peoria to fill his appointments: he spoke in
Peoria according to published notice on the 16th
of October 1854. — Mr. Lincoln did follow
Senator Douglas to Peoria and did hear him
speak — did take notes — did arrange them, and
did answer Senator Douglas, say at 7 o'clock in
the evening of that day in the same house. Sen-
ator Douglas I presume was present. Senator
Douglas replied, as at the Hall of the House of
Representatives in Springfield, he concluding
both debates. It was the fixed determination of
Mr. Lincoln to follow Senator Douglas to his
appointments, and to the end. He had made
full preparations to go to Lacon, Princeton and
Aurora, as well as elsewhere.
After the debate was over Senator Douglas,
probably on October the 17th, sent for Mr.
Lincoln at Peoria or on the way to Lacon. Mr.
Lincoln did go and see Senator Douglas: they
had a private conversation about the speeches
that were to be made. Senator Douglas at
that meeting said to Mr. Lincoln substantially,
if not in words, this: "Mr. Lincoln, you have
made me more trouble on this Territorial ques-
tion, and the facts and laws of their organiza-
60
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
tion, with intents and purposes, in the govern-
ment, since its organization than all the mem-
bers of the Senate of the United States. You
know what trouble they have given me. You
have given me more trouble than all the oppo-
sition. I now propose this to you: If you will
go home, and make no more speeches at my
appointments I will go to no more of my pub-
lished places of speaking, and remain silent. I
can make nothing ofF you, and you can't off
me. "Your will be done. Senator Douglas; I
don't wish to crowd you," replied Mr. Lincoln.
Douglas' remaining published places were La-
con, Princeton, and Aurora. Senator Douglas
did go to Lacon. Lincoln did follow. Senator
Douglas made some excuse to his friends at this
place that his throat was sore. Mr. Lincoln
said he would take no advantage of Senator
Douglas' situation.
The two great men then understood each
other, and Lincoln in kindness and nobleness
never insinuated what was the matter, nor did
he crowd Senator Douglas. Mr. Lincoln made
his promises in good faith and really kept them
to the end, inviolate in fact and spirit. Mr.
Lincoln returned to his home in the city of
61
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Springfield, Illinois, about the 19th of October,
1854. He remained in this city till the elec-
tion was over, making no more speeches, I say,
during that canvass. Several of Mr. Lincoln's
friends met him in his office some days after
the 19th of October. Some of these men were
the original petitioners spoken of before. These
men, or some of them are as follows: Peyton
L. Harrison, Ben'j. F. Irwin — a petitioner —
Isaac Cogdall, and myself. Mr. Irwin prob-
ably asked him why he did not follow Senator
Douglas, as he had promised to do as under-
stood. This placed Mr. Lincoln in a dilemma;
his word was out to follow and answer Sena-
tor Douglas and the petitioner asked him why
he did not follow. Mr. Lincoln after a few
minutes' reflection then told the reasons, en-
joining privacy on all as above given; he good
naturedly said in mitigation or excuse: "Senator
Douglas flattered me into the arrangement, and
you must not blame me."
A few months — say one or two months —
after Mr. Lincoln's assassination, a gentleman
from Springfield, Mass., came into my office
and presented me with a letter of introduction
from a friend in Chicago, as my memory serves
62
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
me. Probably the letter was from my friend,
Horace White, of the Chicago Tribune. The
New England gentleman — a member of the
Massachusetts Historical Society — was informed
probably at Chicago that I was writing an
analytical life of Mr. Lincoln: he was so in-
formed in this city. He made known his business
and asked me several questions — none of which
did I object to — was really desirous of helping
the gentleman, and so told him. I answered
the questions quickly, frankly and truthfully;
he was with me taking notes for parts of two
days. I told him many things, without being
asked, it may be. I quit my business, dropped
my professional duties for those parts of days,
in order to accommodate and assist the man. He
got from me what I think valuable; he evident-
ly thought so, because he used it in the Bio-
graphy, with Mr. Lincoln's strong, gnarly
sentences toned down, in some instances, to suit
an over-refined, distorted taste, as I think. The
Massachusetts gentleman goes back to his home
in the East, sits down in his office, and pens
the following lines, at pages 141 and 142,
speaking of the Peoria debate and what I told
him:
63
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"At the close of the debate, the two com-
batants held a conference, and the result of
which has been variously reported. One author-
ity* ( *William H. Herndon, in a foot note,)
states that Mr. Douglas sent for Mr. Lincoln,
and told him that if he would speak no more
during the campaign, he (Douglas) would go
home and remain silent during the same period,
and that this arrangement was agreed upon, and
its terms fulfilled. That there was a conference
on the subjects sought, there is no doubt, and
there is no doubt that Mr. Lincoln promised not
to challenge him again to debate, during the
canvass, but abundant evidence exists that Mr.
Lincoln did not leave the field at all, but spoke
in various parts of the State."
I am not objecting to the manner of his
statement, though that is not correct. I am
not raising any objection on that issue. Let
it stand as it is. I have italicized some words
which are not in the original. Here is a direct
assertion, on my part, that Mr. Lincoln said
as above stated by me. I did make the asser-
tion as I state it. Here in the book, in the
sentence quoted, is a denial of what I said, and
now repeat. Would it not have been quite
64
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
gentlemanly for the man to have given me a
chance to correct the error, by informing me of it
by letter, or otherwise.' 5 If he did not choose so
to do, would it not have been quite gentlemanly
to have left my name out, as the author of the
story, or even a part of it? There is an allega-
tion that after the 16th of October, 1854, and
after Mr. Lincoln's agreement with Senator
Douglas, that Mr. Lincoln, during the canvass
of that year, did on various occasions and places
address the people of Illinois on the questions
of the day. One of three things is true: First,
I told a lie: second, that Mr. Lincoln acted in
bad faith — broke his sacred honor by addressing
the people after the 16th of October; or, third
that the gentleman has no abundant evidence
to prove that Mr. Lincoln, after that 16th day,
did speak "in various parts of the State." But
suppose that Mr. Lincoln and myself are cor-
rect, then what? Let me state a fact here, by
way of note as it were. It is said to me, on
what I consider good authority, that Senator
Douglas did speak at Princeton, on the 18th
day of October, contrary to his agreement with
Mr. Lincoln. I regret to learn this, and leave
an explanation to come from Senator Douglas'
65
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
friend, who should, for his credit, investigate
the matter thoroughly and well. Senator Doug-
las may have been driven to this by the people
— the Democrats and Republicans at that place
and time; or he may have been bantered into it
by the Republicans, who had then and there
an eloquent champion on the spot, ready and
anxious to answer Senator Douglas. The gen-
tleman here spoken of, or alluded to, was the
Hon. Owen Lovejoy. There is some excuse,
some explanation, some probable cause why
Senator Douglas spoke at Princeton, some-
where, and it can be found out.
Now, as to that abundant evidence, let us see.
Mr. Lincoln returned to his home in this city
about the 19th day of October — three days after
the Peoria debate; he sat down and here com-
menced writing out, as rapidly as he could, his
Peoria speech, which, in substance, is the Spring-
field speech, with the fire died out, made Octo-
ber the 5th; he was a candidate for the State
Legislature at that time, probably against his
will. The Sangamon Circuit Court was com-
ing on apace and he must turn some of his at-
tention to these things. The first part of Mr.
Lincoln's speech appears in the Illinois Daily
66
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Journal — now called — October 21st. The entire
speech runs through seven numbers of the Daily
Journal. Mr. Lincoln was at home, writing
out and correcting the proof sheets of his speech.
I well know, well remember this. I so assert
this now. The full speech as written out by
Mr. Lincoln, first appeared as it now stands
in the Weekly Journal, Nov. the 2d, 1854, No.
1 , 213. The November election, by the Consti-
tution and laws of the State of Illinois, took
place — came off, on the 7th day of November,
1854. There are five days between the 2d of
November and the 7th. Will some gentleman
show, procure that abundant evidence spoken
of? Will some good man show that Mr. Lin-
coln made, after the 16th of October, various
speeches to the people of Illinois, during the can-
vass of that year? Will some searching, inquir-
ing mind show any evidence by the record that
Mr. Lincoln spoke at all after the day agreed
upon between Senator Douglas and himself?
I aver that there is no such abundant evidence
of record, nor other well authenticated evidence
anywhere. No man can show that Mr. Lincoln
violated his sacred honor. No man can show
that Mr. Lincoln ever addressed the people after
67
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
his promise. I aver that he told me — rather told
Ben'j F. Irwin, Peyton L. Harrison, Isaac Cog-
dall and myself, that he had made the agree-
ment with Senator Douglas substantially as I
state it. Men may carelessly, loosely say that
Mr. Lincoln did violate his honor, by saying
that he did speak contrary to the above agree-
ment. For Mr. Lincoln's sake, and for my own
sake, I appeal to, and ask for the record, or any
other valid, reliable evidence. If I assert, as I
do, these things, I wilfully tell falsehood; and
I ought to have no quarter, and because of that
I ask for none.
Feeling that I have been badly treated, and
misplaced, as it were, wantonly, on the record,
I am compelled in self defense to publish this
letter. It is probable that the Biographer would,
in another edition of the work correct the error,
but I know of no law compelling me to wait
for that contingency. The publication of this
letter cannot injure the sale of his life of Mr.
Lincoln.
Truly yours,
W. H. HERNDON.
68
CHAPTER SIX
Nicolay and Hay in their Life of Lincoln
speak of the encounter of Judge Douglas and
Lincoln at the Illinois State Fair at Springfield,
as a debate. This is hardly correct, as State
Fair Week was an occasion when speakers from
all parts presented their views and was followed
at this time — Lincoln and Douglas speaking up-
on different days.
Their account of the Peoria meeting and com-
ments upon Lincoln's speech are of so much in-
terest that I venture to here reproduce what they
have to say. (Vol. 1, Page 378, "Abraham
Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay.")
"Douglas made his speech, according to
notice, on the first day of the fair, Tuesday, Oc-
tober 3. 'I will mention,' said he, 'in his open-
ing remarks, 'that it is understood by some gen-
tlemen that Mr. Lincoln, of this city, is expected
to answer me. If this is the understanding, I
wish that Mr. Lincoln would step forward and
let us arrange some plan upon which to carry
out this discussion.' Mr. Lincoln was not there
at the moment, and the arrangement could not
then be made. Unpropitious weather had
69
SENATOR STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS
"The first duty of an American citizen is obedience to
the Constitution and Laws of his Country."
— Stephen A. Douglas.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
brought the meeting to the Representatives' Hall
in the State House, which was densely packed.
The next day found the same hall filled as before
to hear Mr. Lincoln. Douglas occupied a seat
just in front of him, and in his rejoinder he
explained that 'my friend Mr. Lincoln expressly
invited me to stay and hear him speak today, as
he heard me yesterday, and to answer and defend
myself as best I could. I here thank him for
his courteous offer.' The occasion greatly equal-
ized the relative standing of the champions. The
familiar surroundings, the presence and hearty
encouragement of his friends, put Lincoln in his
best vein. His bubbling humor, his perfect
temper, and above all the overwhelming current
of his historical arraignment extorted the admir-
ation of even his political enemies. 'His speech
was four hours in length,' wrote one of these,
'and was conceived and expressed in a most
happy and pleasant style, and was received with
abundant applause. At times he made statements
which brought Senator Douglas to his feet, and
then good-humored passages of wit created
much interest and enthusiasm.' All reports
plainly indicate that Douglas was astonished
and disconcerted at this unexpected strength of
argument, and that he struggled vainly through
71
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
a two hours' rejoinder to break the force of Lin-
coln's victory in the debate. Lincoln had hith-
erto been the foremost man in his district. That
single effort made him the leader on the new
question in his State.
"The fame of this success brought Lincoln
urgent calls from all the places where Douglas
was expected to speak. Accordingly, twelve
days afterwards, October 16, they once more
met in debate, at Peoria. Lincoln, as before,
gave Douglas the opening and closing speeches,
explaining that he was willing to yield this ad-
vantage in order to secure a hearing from the
Democratic portion of his listeners. The audi-
ence was a large one, but not so representative in
its character as that at Springfield. The occa-
sion was made memorable, however, by the fact
that when Lincoln returned home he wrote out
and published his speech. We have therefore
the revised text of his argument, and are able to
estimate its character and value. Marking as it
does with unmistakable precision a step in the
second period of his intellectual development, it
deserves the careful attention of the student of
his life.
72
NEAR THIS SPOT OCCURRED THE FAMOUS
~^. POLITICAL DEBATE BETWEEN .^
r\ ABRAHAM LINCOLN CS
AND
STEPHEN A.DOUGLAS :
% OCTOBER 16, 1854 *l&3>
OF A FREE GOVI
LAW FOR ALL,!'
Mimimimmm m.
)N OF FREE MEN, WOJ
THE FIRST DUTY OF AN AMI
CONSTITUTION AND LAWS O
ERECTED BY GEORGE A.WILSON Cikuus mu. 19
LADIES OF THE GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC
BRONZE PLATE ON THE PRESENT PEORIA COUNTY
COURT HOUSE.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"After the lapse of more than a quarter of a
century the critical reader still finds it a model
of brevity, directness, terse diction, exact and
lucid historical statement, and full of logical
propositions so short and so strong as to resem-
ble mathematical axioms. Above all it is pre-
vaded by an elevation of thought and aim that
lifts it out of the commonplace of mere party
controversy. Comparing it with his later
speeches, we find it to contain not only the argu-
ment of the hour, but the premonition of the
broader issues into which the new struggle was
destined soon to expand.
"The main, broad current of his reasoning
was to vindicate and restore the policy of the
fathers of the country in the restriction of slav-
ery; but running through this like a thread of
gold was the demonstration of the essential in-
justice and immorality of the system. He said:
"This declared indifference but, as I must
think, covert zeal for the spread of slavery, I
cannot but hate. I hate it because of the mon-
strous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it be-
cause it deprives our republican example of its
just influence in the world; enables the enemies
of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us
as hypocrites; causes the real friends of freedom
74
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
to doubt our sincerity; and especially because it
forces so many really good men among our-
selves into an open war with the very funda-
mental principles of civil liberty, criticizing
the Declaration of Independence and insisting
that there is no right principle of action but self
interest.
"The doctrine of self-government is right, —
absolutely and eternally right, — but it has no
just application as here attempted. Or perhaps
I should rather say that whether it has such just
application, depends upon whether a negro is
not, or is, a man. If he is not a man, in that
case he who is a man may as a matter of self-
government do just what he pleases with him.
But if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent
a total destruction of self-government to say
that he too shall not govern himself? When
the white man governs himself, that is self-
government; but when he governs himself and
also governs another man, that is more than
self-government — that is despotism.
"What I do say is, that no man is good
enough to govern another man without that
other's consent.
"The master not only governs the slave with-
out his consent, but he governs him by a set of
75
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
rules altogether different from those which he
prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed
an equal voice in the government; that, and that
only, is self-government.
"Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's
nature — opposition to it, in his love of justice.
These principles are an eternal antagonism; and
when brought into collision so fiercely as slav-
ery extension brings them, shocks and throes
and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Re-
peal the Missouri Compromise — repeal all com-
promise — repeal the Declaration of Indepen-
dence — repeal all past history — still you cannot
repeal human nature.
"I particularly object to the new position
which the avowed principle of this Nebraska
law gives to slavery in the body politic. I ob-
ject to it because it assumes that there can be
moral right in the enslaving of one man by an-
other. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance
for a free people, — a sad evidence that feeling
prosperity, we forget right, — that liberty as a
principle we have ceased to revere.
"Little by little, but steadily as man's march
to the grave, we have been giving up the old
for the new faith. Near eighty years ago we
76
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
began by declaring that all men are created
equal; but now from that beginning we have
run down to the other declaration that for some
men to enslave others is a 'sacred right of self-
government.' These principles cannot stand to-
gether. They are as opposite as God and mam-
mon.
"Our Republican robe is soiled and trailed in
the dust. Let us repurify it. Let us turn and
wash it white, in the spirit if not the blood of
the Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its
claims of 'Moral right' back upon its existing
legal rights, and its arguments of 'necessity.'
Let us return it to the position our fathers gave
it, and there let it rest in peace. Let us readopt
the Declaration of Independence, and the prac-
tices and policy which harmonize with it. Let
North and South — let all Americans — let all
lovers of liberty everywhere — join in the great
and good work. If we do this, we shall not
only have saved the Union, but we shall have
so saved it, as to make and to keep it forever
worthy of the saving. We shall have so saved
it that the succeeding millions of free, happy
people, the world over, shall rise up and call us
blessed to the latest generations."
77
CHAPTER SEVEN
These recollections of my boyhood days are
as pictures of the old masters whose colors re-
main vivid through all the years. No words of
mine can better describe what memory recalls of
those stirring days, than the following from the
pen of the special correspondent of the New
York Post written four years after Lincoln and
Douglas met in Peoria:
"It is astonishing how deep an interest in
politics this people take. Over long weary miles
of hot and dusty prairie the processions of eager
partisans come — on foot, on horseback, in
wagons drawn by horses or mules; men, women
and children, old and young; the half sick, just
out of the last 'shake'; children in arms, infants
at the maternal fount, pushing on in clouds of
dust and beneath the blazing sun; settling down
at the town where the meeting is, with hardly a
chance for sitting, and even less opportunity for
eating, waiting in anxious groups for hours at
the places of speaking, talking, discussing, liti-
gious, vociferous, while the war artillery, the
music of the bands, the waving of banners, the
78
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
huzzahs of the crowds, as delegation after dele-
gation appears; the cry of the peddlers vending
all sorts of ware, from an infallible cure of
'agur' to a monster watermelon in slices to suit
purchasers — combine to render the occasion one
scene of confusion and commotion. The hour
of one arrives and a perfect rush is made for the
grounds; a column of dust is rising to the
heavens and fairly deluging those who are
hurrying on through it. Then the speakers
come with flags, and banners, and music, sur-
rounded by cheering partisans. Their arrival at
the ground and immediate approach to the
stand is the signal for shouts that rend the
heavens. They are introduced to the audience
amidst prolonged and enthusiastic cheers; they
are interrupted by frequent applause; and they
sit down finally amid the same uproarous dem-
onstration. The audience sit or stand patiently
throughout, and, as the last word is spoken,
make a break for their homes, first hunting up
lost members of their families, getting their
scattered wagonloads together, and, as the day-
light fades away, entering again upon the broad
prairies and slowly picking their way back to
the place of beginning."
79
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
In 1854 the old Court House stood in the
same place as the present one. From the north
corner of the square extending to the foot of
the bluff and running through where now
stands the Woman's Club House, was an ave-
nue of locust trees fragrant in blossom time.
Around the square were hitching racks to which
were tied horses and mules attached to vehicles
of every description — delegations arriving were
preceded by floats. Usually there was one con-
taining Miss Columbia, surrounded by young
ladies in white, wearing sashes upon which were
lettered the names of the States represented. I
recall my mother entertaining one such, and im-
provising for them beds upon the floor. To
cook for thirty or forty was no trick for the
efficient housewife of those days. Flags were
almost invariably mounted upon saplings with
a bunch of leaves at the top. At night illum-
inations glowed from candles set in rows in
windows. It is all a glorious memory.
We regret that we have been unable to pro-
cure any part of the address of Senator Douglas
on this occasion.
81
CHAPTER EIGHT
It will be noted that the writer has taken for
his text — "I saw and heard Lincoln and Doug-
las when a boy." This only! Variety may
lead me far afield in striving to impart a per-
sonal touch to my sketch, but I have found that
children enjoy those stories most to which one
adds a relationship. No matter how remote, and
what are we all but grown up children — robbed
of their bloom and touched with the canker of
egotistic wisdom. For wisdom is the name we
give our knowledge of evil, whereas, true wis-
dom dwells only in the innocence of childhood.
Probably no one stood higher in the esteem
and confidence of Lincoln, than Colonel Alex-
ander K. McClure, whose first wife was a
cousin of my father.
The following is an account of Colonel
McClure:
Colonel Alexander K. McClure, the editorial
director of the Philadelphia Times, which he
founded in 1875, began his forceful career as
a tanner's apprentice in the mountains of Penn-
sylvania three score years ago. He tanned hides
all day, and read exchanges nights in the neigh-
82
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
boring weekly newspaper office. The learned
tanner's boy also became the aptest tanner in
the county, and the editor testified his admira-
tion for young McClure's attainments by send-
ing him to edit a new weekly paper which the
exigencies of politics called into being in an
adjoining county.
The lad was over six feet high, had the
thews of Ajax and the voice of Boanerges,
and knew enough about shoe-leather not to be
afraid of any man that stood in it. He made
his paper a success, went into politics, and made
that a success, studied law with William Mc-
Lellan. and made that a success, and actually
went into the army — and made that a success,
by an interesting accident, which brought him
into close personal relations with Abraham Lin-
coln, whom he had helped to nominate, serv-
ing as chairman of the Republican State Com-
mittee of Pennsylvania through the campaign.
In 1862 the government needed troops badly,
and in each Pennsylvania county Republicans
and Democrats were appointed to assist in the
enrollment, under the State laws. McClure,
working day and night at Harrisburg. saw con-
scripts coming in at the rate of a thousand a
83
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 18 54
day, only to fret in idleness against the army
red-tape which held them there instead of send-
ing a regiment a day to the front, as McClure
demanded should be done. The military offi-
cer continued to dispatch two companies a day
— leaving the mass of the conscripts to be fed
by the contractors.
McClure went to Washington and said to
the President, "You must send a mustering of-
ficer to Harrisburg who will do as I say; I
can't stay there any longer under existing con-
ditions."
Lincoln sent into another room for Adju-
tant-General Thomas. "General," said he,
"what is the highest rank of military officer
at Harrisburg?" "Captain, sir," said Thomas.
"Bring me a commission for an Assistant Ad-
jutant-General of the United States Army,"
said Lincoln.
So Adjutant-General McClure was mustered
in, and after that a regiment a day of boys in
blue left Harrisburg for the front. Colonel
McClure is one of the group of great Celt-
American editors, which included Medill, Mc-
Cullagh and McLean.
84
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Long after the war Colonel McClure col-
lected and published a book of Lincoln stories
— "Lincoln's Own Yarns and Stories." — This
one interested me:
"HOW HE GOT BLACKSTONE"
The following story was told by Mr. Lin-
coln to Mr. A. J. Conant, the artist, who paint-
ed his portrait in Springfield in 1860:
"One day a man who was migrating to the
West drove up in front of my store with a
wagon which contained his family and house-
hold plunder. He asked me if I would buy an
old barrel for which he had no room in his
wagon, and which he said contained nothing of
special value. I did not want it, but to oblige
him I bought it, and paid him, I think, half a
dollar for it. Without further examination, I
put it away in the store and forgot all about
it. Some time after, in overhauling things, I
came upon the barrel, and, emptying it upon
the floor to see what it contained, I found at the
bottom of the rubbish a complete edition of
Blackstone's Commentaries. I began to read
those famous works, and I had plenty of time;
for during the long summer days, when the
85
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
farmers were busy with their crops, my cus-
tomers were few and far between. The more
I read" — this he said with unusual emphasis —
"the more intensely interested I became.
Never in my whole life was my mind so thor-
oughly absorbed. I read until I devoured
them."
Grant Wright is an artist — a Peoria boy —
with a studio in New York. Some time ago
he sent me a "leaf from my sketch book" —
It is a pencil portrait of Conant — then in his
94th year. (A photograph of the original is
shown on another page. ) The sketch was made
November 1 2th, 1914. Below the picture Grant
has written "Dear Cloyd: On the opposite side
is a little talk I had with this grand old man
of the Art World just before he died. He paint-
ed from life the only smiling Lincoln — The
portrait is now in the Phillipsie Manor Yonk-
ers. I also record the reporter's story of the
New York Herald two years before." On the
back of the leaf he writes, as follows:
"Mr. Conant passes his declining years with
his daughter, Mrs. Smith. His portrait of Gen-
eral Anderson whom he esteemed very highly
we worked on with great zeal and a study for
86
-i
W
1 '
^ C£<~X *-T^ "trV*^
-fW/^
£«rM~
aJi^wl" ^ut-j»^ /w.i*W&, ' >u 7J(, /v?<i/ M /, -7?<Lc /,
«Al£j, ■^2£viA7& r"-
B^sm^^B^m
^fa ^ ^.<u
\*JL**. •
e*yi
\ ■■ '
.. ..
J
SKI
Sen » — «-0«/^4U«rf3S
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
perfect detail as to surroundings, drapery, etc.,
— cannon, carriage, flag backers — the grand old
man always bids one a farewell. N. Y. Herald
1912."
"Dear B. C:
"Eight years ago I made this sketch in this
grand old man's studio (59 W. 10th St.) a
building devoted to the welfare of what we
call the ancient and honorables in the Art
World. The building is full of studios of
past masters in the Arts who had passed the
Three Score and ten, and were yet progressive
and productive. Thos. Wood, Edward Gay,
Seymour Guy, Wm. M. Chase, at one time had
their studios there — this to describe the old
10th St. Studio Building. In 1916 the old
gentleman passed to the great beyond (96 years
old.) He was one of the most lovable char-
acters — one of the grandest men, and his rela-
tion with past history made him mighty inter-
esting. He had in his studio Gen. Anderson's
picture, and, of course the smiling face of Lin-
coln whom he loved to talk about. He told
me how Lincoln described to him one of his
forensic spars with Douglas— how Douglas had
accused him of everything from being a failure
88
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
to a disloyalist. 'He comes to you after vot-
ing in Congress to withdraw supplies from our
soldiers in Mexico' — said Douglas, 'because he
was opposed to the Mexican war. This man
who has made a failure at everything he has
undertaken: he was a failure as a farmer; as a
surveyor: as lawyer: as soldier — yes, and as a
saloon keeper — he couldn't make a living a
decent one selling rum, and now he comes to
you asking for my seat in the Senate.' Here old
man Conant told me Lincoln chuckled like a
school boy — 'Then,' said Lincoln 'it was my
turn. I thanked Judge Douglas for having
such an accurate biography of me — he covers
my pedigree about as well as anyone could, but
about my vote on the Mexican affair — Here is
Judge Fithian (or Fitter,) who is a Democratic
colleague of Douglas, let him say. I brought
Fithian right out of his audience — brought him
up on the platform and made him admit that
I was not in Congress when the question of
appropriation for soldiers was voted on.' Then
said Mr. Conant — Lincoln chuckled again. 'I
said yes, Judge Douglas certainly covered me
pretty close. I was a failure as a politician. I
was a failure as a surveyor. I was a failure as
a lawyer, but Judge Douglas has neglected to
89
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
say in his castigation of me as a barkeeper that
when I was on one side of the bar, he was al-
ways on the other' — this brought down the
house, and Judge Douglas laughed off the plat-
form.'
"He told me of his first visit to New York,
of his call on Henry Inman — how he came
forward to greet him, and how he invited him
to sit down by his side while he worked, which
was then on a portrait of Bishop Hughes — how
he questioned Mr. Conant, then but a boy,
about what he had been doing around town.
'I told him I had been up to see Mr. Coleman's
exhibit of pictures, when he said 'what did you
think of them?' I being in the first flush of
youth and enthusiastic, I told him I was en-
raptured over them. He said, 'Rot, they're all
forgeries,' and from that time on I made up my
mind I will make a more thorough investiga-
tion, and go deeper into things before comment-
ing. Mr. Inman had his studio on Broad-
way, and was working on a portrait of, or
had just finished a portrait of Bishop Onder-
donk."
90
CHAPTER NINE
In 1858. Captain James N. Brown, a native
of Kentucky, was a candidate upon the Repub-
lican ticket for the Legislature. Being assailed
for running upon the same ticket with a "Black
Abolitionist," he wrote to Lincoln for some-
thing authoritative. Lincoln procured a small
memorandum book in which he pasted news-
paper extracts of speeches he had made during
the previous several years. I have in my poses-
sion a photographic reproduction of this book
made by my friend, J. McCan Davis, whose
father — still living — was my comrade in the
Civil War. This book — Davis says — is the
only book ever written by Lincoln — Reference
to extracts are in Lincoln's own handwriting.
Following are the first pages of this book,
and it will be noted that his first "clippings"
are from his speech at Peoria, Tuesday, Octo-
ber 16th, 1854.
Can anything more conclusive be produced
to show that the first step, which resulted in
his reaching the Presidency, was taken at Peo-
ria, October 1 6th, 1 854? Here are the extracts:
91
%~&C e# >Ck w # ^ w . /sfe-^
C^ ^(f ^/t^v ^
PHOTOGRAPH COPY OF LINCOLN'S HAND WRITING RE-
FERRING TO HIS PEORIA ADDRESS
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"The following extracts arc taken from var-
ious speeches of mine delivered at various times
and places and I believe they contain all I have
ever said about 'Negro Equality.' The first
three are from my answer to Judge Douglas,
October 16th, 1 854 at Peoria."
First Clipping.
"This is the repeal of the Missouri Com-
promise. The foregoing history may not be
precisely accurate in every particular; but I am
sure it is sufficiently so, for all the uses I shall
attempt to make of it, and in it, we have be-
fore us, the chief material enabling us to cor-
rectly judge whether the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise is right or wrong.
"I think, and shall try to show that it is
wrong; wrong in its direct effect, letting slavery
into Kansas and Nebraska — and wrong in its
prospective principle, allowing it to spread to
every other part of the wide world, where men
can be found inclined to take it.
"This declared indifference, but as I must
think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery,
I cannot but hate, I hate it because of the
monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it
because it deprives our republican example of
its just influence in the world — enables the ene-
93
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
mies of free institutions, with plausibility, to
taunt us as hypocrites — causes the real friends
of freedom to doubt our sincerity and especial-
ly because it forces so many really good men
amongst ourselves into an open war with the
very fundamental principles of civil liberty —
criticising the Declaration of Independence, and
insisting that there is no right principle of ac-
tion but self-interest.
"Before proceeding, let me say I think I have
no prejudice against the Southern people. They
are just what we would be in their situation.
If slavery did not now exist amongst them,
they would not introduce it. If it did now
exist amongst us, we should not instantly give
it up. This I believe of the masses north and
south. Doubtless there are individuals on both
sides, who would not hold slaves under any cir-
cumstances; and others who would gladly in-
troduce slavery anew, if it were out of existence.
We know that some southern men do free their
slaves, go north, and become tip-top abolition-
ists; while some northern ones go south, and
be — " (This clipping ends here.)
2d Clipping.
"When southern people tell us they are no
more responsible for the origin of slavery, than
94
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
we; I acknowledge the fact. When it is said
that the institution exists, and that it is very
difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way,
I can understand and appreciate the saying. I
surely will not blame them for not doing what
I should not know how to do myself. If all
earthly power were given me, I should not know
what to do, as to the existing institution. My
first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and
send them to Liberia — to their own native land.
But a moment's reflection would convince me,
that whatever of high hope, (as I think there
is) there may be in this, in the long run, its
sudden execution is impossible. If they were
all landed there in a day, they would all perish
in the next ten days: and there are not surplus
shipping and surplus money enough in the
world to carry them there in many times ten
days. What then? Free them all, and keep
them among us as underlings? Is it quite cer-
tain that this betters their condition? I think
I would not hold one in slavery, at any rate;
yet the point is not clear enough to me to de-
nounce people upon. What next? — Free them.
and make them politically and socially, our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
95
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
this; and if mine would, we would know that
those of the great mass of white people will
not. Whether this feeling accords with justice
and sound judgment, is not the sole question,
if indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel-
ing, whether well or ill-founded, can not be
safely disregarded. We can not, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that systems
of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but
for their tardiness in this, I will not undertake
to judge our brethern of the south.
"When they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but
fully, and fairly; and I would give them any
legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives,
which should not, in its stringency, be more
likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our
ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent
one.
"But all this; to my judgment, furnishes no
more excuse for permitting slavery to go into
our own free territory, than it would for re-
viving the African slave trade by law. The
law which forbids the bringing of slaves from
Africa; and that which has so long forbid the
taking them to Nebraska, can hardly be dis-
96
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
tinguished on any moral principle; and the re-
peal of the former could find quite as plausible
excuses as that of the latter.
"Judge Douglas, frequently, with bitter irony
and sarcasm, paraphrases our argument by say-
ing "The white people of Nebraska are good
enough to govern themselves, but they are not
good enough to govern a few miserable ne-
groes! !"
"Well I doubt not that the people of Nebras-
ka are, and will continue to be as good as the
average of people elsewhere. I do not say the
contrary. What I do say is, that no man is good
enough to govern another man without that
other's consent. I say this is the leading prin-
ciple — the sheet anchor of American republican-
ism. Our Declaration of Independence says:
'We hold these truths to be self evident;
that all men are created equal; that they are en-
dowed by their Creator with certain inalienable
rights; that among these are life; liberty and
the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these
rights, governments are instituted among men,
DEPRIVING THEIR JUST POWERS
FROM THE CONSENT OF THE GOV-
ERNED."
97
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"I have quoted so much at this time merely
to show that according to our ancient faith, the
just power of governments are derived from the
consent of the governed. Now the relation of
masters and slaves is, PROTANTO, a total
violation of this principle. The master not
only governs the slave without his consent; but
he governs him by a set of rules altogether dif-
ferent from those which he prescribes for him-
self. Allow all the governed an equal voice
in the government, and that, and that only is
self-government.
"Let it not be said I am contending for the
establishment of political and social equality be-
tween the whites and blacks. I have already
said the contrary. I am not now combating
the argument of necessity, arising from the fact
that the blacks are already amongst us; but I
am combating what is set up as moral argu-
ment for allowing them to be taken where they
have never yet been — arguing against the exten-
sion of a bad thing, which where it already ex-
ists we must of necessity, manage as we best
can."
3d Clipping,
"In the course of his reply, Senator Douglas
remarked, in substance, that he had always con-
98
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
sidered this government was made for the white
people and not for the negroes. Why, in point
of mere fact, I think so too. But in this re-
mark of the Judge, there is a significance, which
I think is the key to the great mistake (if there
is any such mistake) which he has made in this
Nebraska measure. It shows that the Judge
has no very vivid impression that the negro is
a human; and consequently has no idea that
there can be any moral question in legislating
about him. In his view, the question of whether
a new country shall be slave or free, is a mat-
ter of as utter indifference, as it is whether his
neighbor shall plant his farm with tobacco, or
stock it with horned cattle. Now, whether this
view is right or wrong, it is very certain that
the great mass of mankind take a totally dif-
ferent view. They consider slavery a great
moral wrong; and their feelings against it is
not evanescent, but eternal. It lies at the very
foundation of their sens* of justice; and it can-
not be trifled with — It is a great and durable
element of popular action, and, I think, no
statesman can safely disregard it."
99
PHOTOGRAPH COPY OF LETTER WRITTEN BY ABRAHAM
LINCOLN TO HON. J. N. BROWN REFERRING TO
HIS ADDRESS IN PEORIA, ILL., ON
OCTOBER 16, 1854
™. ~s J 7
i> /^£^w ^5w
Z2
/^S^O <&^Lj^s !
/3i^^*J <0<~<^-3,
p-^^c^-Zs
/^
^€
z ;iv.-/ / l - jL -~ ' ^y^^*^^-^-^-*^ i.^?yO. :
jiHej X^ ***-<> &^^ m^^,
/
A^s? t^u^ -fr^z-
^r vW^ C»s£;
far^
/t^^c^.
L /g, fh
C^7 A) pM*.^ ,l.
a <> jsL^^^s / i,a.
y—o £ri
-r
-/'
c?t<
/2--1
pi,, £-1 £*Lc^i-
/^pi*J IfX -~^p M, -v- --*»_€•' fi^J
><i\
^
^
£*.--7 eT^J
><C .jfasl^&SUisa*'
v^^e-e^ /IsOlZ
&*fC&>*
^/' ^ /.. / fa /-r y It- /jTh-*- -<*
/>
/^v - /
s£//*^£C,
S / 7 -
_/ , t '
< ^O^ x ~ / ^rf /'>^-<- %<*~Assj Pr^~^7
^
^ zts^^sP'-
O^l/v- Z^t^^ — '
■€> ^'
JL-^4-
/
y J 7
-7 '
l-x&C' ^?&<4ri+
v r
/fen*** #~? j2^c~/
CHAPTER TEN
It occurs to me, as it probably has to the
reader, that these sketches are a little "jerky."
They are like Billy Stoughton's typewriter.
Billy was a clerk in the office of Captain L. L.
Troy, Superintendent Railway Mail Service at
Chicago. He was an expert typewriter, who
could talk and follow copy at the same time.
He also stammered badly. His machine was
of the old fashioned kind, and the writing was
invisible. I was talking to him one day when
he stopped and threw open the carriage to ex-
amine the writing. The keys had caught and
he found nothing but a lot of meaningless
characters. His face clouded with a look of
blank astonishment — then he broke into a sun-
ny smile — looking up at me he said: "Bry-Bry-
ner — bes-best typewriter in America — writes ex-
ex-exactly like I-I I talk."
I may go "far afield" to give a personal
touch to these pages, but the fragrance of mem-
ory's flowered fields give them a charm to me of
which I hope the reader may catch a faint
breath.
Colonel Clark E. Carr of Galesburg was our
Minister to Denmark. I knew him well during
108
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
the last years of his life, and he told me many-
things about Lincoln. He was with him upon
the train which took Mr. Lincoln to Gettys-
burg, and he said that Lincoln whilst enroute
made pencil notes upon the back of an envelope.
It was this probably that gave rise to the story
that his address was without previous prepara-
tion. It is far more likely that he only jotted
down the headings of his speech to aid his
memory of a carefully prepared address. As
I have before said, at the Peoria meeting the
platform was erected upon the south side of the
old Court House and entrance thereto was
through a window of the office of the Circuit
Clerk. I have a vivid recollection of Judge
Douglas' appearance as he stepped upon the
platform. Colonel Carr has thus described him
which coincides perfectly with the picture I
have in mind. "He was dressed in a black broad
cloth suit of latest Washington cut; with im-
maculate linen — his trim figure, though small,
seemed perfect, as his lustrous eyes looked out
from under his massive forehead, surrounded
by heavy brown locks. Bold, defiant, confi-
dent, he seemed the impersonation of strength
and power."
109
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
I doubt if anyone man aside from Lincoln
contributed so much to the salvation of the
Union as Judge Douglas. He virtually broke
with his party and carried thousands of his
followers with him. At the inauguration of
Lincoln, he sat upon the platform and held Mr.
Lincoln's hat, thus making public demonstra-
tion of his support to the incoming adminis-
tration. Exactly three months later he passed
away in the city of Chicago, an irreparable loss
to the Union cause. Edward Bonham was
Lieutenant Colonel of the regiment in which
I served in the Civil War. I was acquainted
with his father, Jeriah Bonham, who wrote
"Fifty Years Recollections." From this vol-
ume, I make the following extract, as of inter-
est in connection with Lincoln and Peoria:
"There is not much in the early life of Abra-
ham Lincoln to stir the imagination of the read-
er. There is nothing to rouse up wonderful
enthusiasm in the humble process of his edu-
cation; his experiences of hardships; his early
struggles with the rough forces of nature
among which he was born. Indeed, we would
be trespassing on the domain of history writ-
ten by others if we attempted to give a brief
110
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
history of his early life, which has been so well
and ably written by others, among them the
campaign biographies of Scripps, Raymond and
Barrett, the writings of Ward H. Lamon, Esq.,
and Hon. Isaac N. Arnold; also, "Life of Abra-
ham Lincoln," by J. G. Holland; Carpenter's
"Reminiscences," and later, the "Life and Pub-
lic Services of Abraham Lincoln," by J. Carroll
Power. To the excellence of all these we bear
cheerful testimony.
"Our "Recollections" of Mr. Lincoln must
be confined in the main, to our personal ac-
quaintance with him, which commenced at the
mass Whig State Convention, held at Peoria,
in June, 1844. Mr. Lincoln was among the
"big guns" in the grand array of eminent states-
men and eloquent speakers present on that oc-
casion; a galaxy of bright particular stars in
the constellation of talent and patriotism, num-
bering among them Gen. John J. Hardin, who
afterwards fell at Buena Vista, Colonel Edward
D. Baker, who gave up his life at Ball's Bluff
during the Rebellion, John T. Stuart, Stephen
T. Logan, Jesse K. Dubois, U. F. Linder, O. H.
Browning, Joseph Gillespie, Archie Williams,
Jackson Grimshaw, T. Lisle Smith, Martin P.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
Sweet, Ben. Bond, Richard Yates, T. Lyle Dick-
ey, Lincoln B. Knowlton, D. W. Woodson,
Wm. H. Henderson, and a host of others who
came up to this grand council in the interests of
Clay and Frelinghuysen, the Whig standard
bearers in that memorable campaign. In addition
to these there were present Caleb B. Smith,
Henry S. Lane, and several other Indiana ora-
tors, then and since known to fame, and from
Missouri, there were the renowned and eloquent
Dr. E. C. McDowell, Don Morrison, and many
others.
"Among all this brilliant array called to ad-
dress the convention during the two days' ses-
sions, none attracted greater and more marked
attention than Mr. Lincoln. Dr. McDowell,
Caleb B. Smith, Edward D. Baker and Gen.
Hardin made their speeches before him. All
made grand speeches and were loudly applauded.
Gen. Hardin was then the member of Congress
from this district, and Col. Baker the candidate
for the succession.
"It is among the brightest recollections of that
day when Mr. Lincoln took the stand. He did
not, on rising, show his full height, stood rather
in a stooping posture, his long-tailed coat hang-
112
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
ing loosely round his body, descending round
and over an ill-fitting pair of pantaloons that
covered his not very symmetrical legs. He com-
menced his speech in a rather diffident manner,
even seemed for a while at a loss for words, his
voice was irregular, a little tremulous, as at first
he began his argument by laying down his pro-
positions. As he proceeded he seemed to gain
more confidence, his body straightened up, his
countenance brightened, his language became
free and animated, as, during this time he had
illustrated his argument by two or three well-
told stories, that drew the attention of the
thousands of his audience to every word he ut-
tered. Then he became eloquent, carrying the
swaying crowd at his will, who, at every point
he made in his forcible argument, were tumultu-
ous in their applause. His subject was the ex-
position of the protective system — the tariff, —
the method of raising a revenue by a system
of duties levied on foreign importations, which
at the same time would afford protection to
American industries. Mr. Lincoln spoke a lit-
tle over an hour. His arguments were un-
answerable. This speech raised him to the
proudest height to which he had ever before
113
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
attained. He had greatly strengthened the Whig
organization in the state and established his
reputation as one of the most powerful political
debaters in the country.
"This speech showed to the people that he
had thoroughly mastered all the great questions
of the day, and brought to their discussion close-
ness and soundness of logic, with numerous
facts, clinched by the most elaborate and pow-
erful arguments. This conclusion, it is among
my recollections, we arrived at after enjoying
this grand field day, hearing the most gifted of
Illinois statesmen discuss all the great questions
of the day, and we left with the thousand of
others, for their homes, with the firm belief
and conviction that Abraham Lincoln was the
foremost statesman in Illinois, and would, at
that time, have been willing to vote for him
for any position from Congressman to Presi-
dent of the United States, both of which priv-
ileges were enjoyed in after years."
114
CHAPTER ELEVEN
From early childhood, when in the old
Court House in Peoria, I used to sit upon his
knee and he bought me big red apples from old
man Cutler. Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll,
America's foremost orator, was throughout life
my friend. I recall standing over the furnace
register, shaking the black ostrich plume to put
it in curl, which he wore upon his hat when
he marched away as Colonel of the 11th Illi-
nois Cavalry. As this is a Peoria story of Lin-
coln, I shall here insert his splendid tribute to
the martyred President.
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN— strange ming-
ling of mirth and tears, of the tragic and gro-
tesque, of cap and crown, of Socrates and Dem-
ocritus, of Aesop and Marcus Aurelius, of all
that is gentle and just, humorous and honest,
merciful, wise, laughable, lovable and divine,
and all consecrated to the use of man; while
through all, and over all, were an overwhelm-
ing sense of obligation, of chivalric loyalty to
truth, and upon all, the shadow of the tragic
end.
"Nearly all the great historic characters are
impossible monsters, disproportioned by flat-
115
COLONEL ROBERT G. INGERSOLL OE PEORIA
As he appeared in 1861 when he departed from Peoria as
Colonel of the 11th Illinois Cavalry.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
tery, or by calumny deformed. We know noth-
ing of their peculiarities, or nothing but their
peculiarities. About these oaks there clings
none of the earth of humanity.
"Washington is now only a steel engraving.
About the real man who lived and loved and
hated and schemed, we know but little. The
glass through which we look at him is of such
high magnifying power that the features are
exceedingly indistinct.
"Hundreds of people are now engaged in
smoothing out the lines of Lincoln's face —
forcing all features to the common mould — so
that he may be known, not as he really was,
but, according to their poor standard, as he
should have been.
"Lincoln was not a type. He stands alone —
no ancestors, no fellows, and no successors.
"He had the advantage of living in a new
country, of social equality, of personal freedom,
of seeing in the horizon of his future the per-
petual star of hope. He preserved his individ-
ualiy and his self-respect. He knew and
mingled with men of every kind; and, after
all, men are the best books. He became ac-
117
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
quainted with the ambitions and hopes of the
heart, the means used to accomplish ends, the
springs of action and the seeds of thought. He
was familiar with nature, with actual things,
with common facts. He loved and appreciated
the poem of the year, the drama of the seasons.
"In a new country a man must possess at
least three virtues — honesty, courage and gener-
osity. In cultivated society, cultivation is often
more important than soil. A well executed
counterfeit passes more readily than a blurred
genuine. It is necessary only to observe the
unwritten laws of society — to be honest enough
to keep out of prison, and generous enough to
subscribe in public — where the subscription can
be defended as an investment.
"In a new country, character is essential; in
the old, reputation is sufficient. In the new,
they find what a man really is; in the old, he
generally passes for what he resembles. Peo-
ple separated only by distance are much nearer
together, than those divided by the walls of
caste.
"It is no advantage to live in a great city,
where poverty degrades and failure brings
despair. The fields are lovelier than paved
118
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
streets, and the great forests than walls of brick.
Oaks and elms are more poetic than steeples
and chimneys.
"In the country is the idea of home. There
you see the rising and setting sun; you become
acquainted with the stars and clouds. The
constellations are your friends. You hear the
rain on the roof and listen to the rhythmic
sighing of the winds. You are thrilled by the
resurrection called Spring, touched and sadden-
ed by Autumn — the grace and poetry of death.
Every field is a picture, a landscape; every land-
scape a poem ; every flower a tender thought,
and every forest a fairy-land. In the country
you preserve your identity — your personality.
There you are an aggregation of atoms, but in
the city you are only an atom of an aggregation.
"In the country you keep your cheek close to
the breast of Nature. You are calmed and en-
nobled by the space, the amplitude and scope of
earth and sky — by the constancy of the stars.
"Lincoln never finished his education. To the
night of his death he was a pupil, a learner, an
inquirer, a seeker after knowledge. You have
no idea how many men arc spoiled by what is
called education. For the most part, colleges
119
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
are places where pebbles are polished and dia-
monds are dimmed. If Shakespeare had grad-
uated at Oxford, he might have been a quibbling
attorney, or a hypocritical parson.
"Lincoln was a great lawyer. There is noth-
ing shrewder in this world than intelligent hon-
esty. Perfect candor is sword and shield.
"He understood the nature of man. As a
lawyer he endeavored to get at the truth, at the
very heart of a case. He was not willing even
to deceive himself. No matter what his inter-
est said, what his passion demanded, he was
great enough to find the truth and strong
enough to pronounce judgment against his own
desires.
"Lincoln was a many-sided man, acquainted
with smiles and tears, complex in brain, single
in heart, direct as light; and his words, candid
as mirrors, gave the perfect image of his
thought. He was never afraid to ask — never
too dignified to admit that he did not know.
No man had keener wit, or kinder humor.
"It may be that humor is the pilot of reason,
People without humor drift unconsciously into
absurdity. Humor sees the other side — stands
120
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
in the mind like a spectator, a good-natured
critic, and gives its opinion before judgment
is reached. Humor goes with good nature, and
good nature is the climate of reason. In anger,
reason abdicates and malice extinguishes the
torch. Such was the humor of Lincoln that he
could tell even unpleasant truths as charming-
ly as most men can tell the things we wish to
hear.
"He was not solemn. Solemnity is a mask
worn by ignorance and hypocrisy — it is the
preface, prologue, and index to the cunning or
the stupid.
"He was natural in his life and thought
master of the story-teller's art, in illustration
apt, in application perfect, liberal in speech,
shocking Pharisees and prudes, using any word
that wit could disinfect.
"He was a logician. His logic shed light. In
its presence the obscure became luminous, and
the most complex and intricate political and
metaphysical knots seemed to untie themselves.
Logic is the necessary product of intelligence
and sincerity. It cannot be learned. It is the
child of a clear head and a good heart.
121
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"Lincoln was candid, and with candor often
deceived the deceitful. He had intellect with-
out arrogance, genius without pride, and reli-
gion without cant — that is to say, without
bigotry and without deceit.
"He was an orator — clear, sincere, natural.
He did not pretend. He did not say what he
thought others thought, but what he thought.
"If you wish to be sublime you must be nat-
ural — you must keep close to the grass. You
must sit by the fireside of the heart; above the
clouds it is too cold. You must be simple in
your speech; too much polish suggests insincer-
ity.
"The great orator idealizes the real, trans-
figures the common, makes even the inanimate
throb and thrill, fills the gallery of the imagi-
nation with statues and pictures perfect in form
and color, brings to light the gold hoarded by
memory the miser, shows the glittering coin
to the spendthrift hope, enriches the brain, en-
nobles the heart, and quickens the conscience.
Between his lips words bud and blossom.
"If you wish to know the difference between
an orator and an elocutionist — between what
122
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
is felt and what is said — between what the heart
and brain can do together and what the brain
can do alone — read Lincoln's wondrous speech
at Gettysburg, and then the oration of Edward
Everett.
"The speech of Lincoln will never be forgot-
ten. It will live until languages are dead and
lips are dust. The oration of Everett will
never be read.
"The elocutionists believe in the virtue of
voice, the sublimity of syntax, the majesty of
long sentences, and the genius of gesture.
"The orator loves the real, the simple, the
natural. He places the thought above all. He
knows that the greatest ideas should be ex-
pressed in the shortest words — that the greatest
statues need the least drapery.
"Lincoln was an immense personality — firm
but not obstinate. Obstinacy is egotism —
firmness, heroism. He influenced others with-
out effort, unconsciously; and they submitted
to him as men submit to nature — unconscious-
ly. He was severe with himself, and for that
reason lenient with others.
123
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"He appeared to apologize for being kinder
than his fellows.
"He did merciful things as stealthily as others
committed crimes.
"Almost ashamed of tenderness, he said and
did the noblest words and deeds with the*charm-
ing confusion, that awkardness, that is the per-
fect grace of modesty.
"As a noble man, wishing to pay a small
debt to a poor neighbor, reluctantly offers a
hundred-dollar bill and asks for change, fearing
that he may be suspected either of making a
display of wealth or a pretense of payment, so
Lincoln hestitated to show his wealth of good-
ness, even to the best he knew.
"A great man stooping, not wishing to make
his fellows feel that they were small or mean.
"By his candor, by his kindness, by his per-
fect freedom from restraint, by saying what he
thought, and saying it absolutely in his own
way, he made it not only possible, but popular,
to be natural. He was the enemy of mock
solemnity, of the stupidly respectable, of the
cold and formal.
124
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
"He wore no official robes either on his body
or his soul. He never pretended to be more or
less, or other, or different, from what he really
was.
"He had the unconscious naturalness of Na-
ture's self.
"He built upon the rock. The foundation
was secure and broad. The structure was a
pyramid, narrowing as it rose. Through days
and nights of sorrow, through years of grief
and pain, with unswerving purpose, 'with
malice towards none, with charity for all,' with
infinite patience, with unclouded vision, he
hoped and toiled. Stone after stone was laid
until at last the Proclamation found its place.
On that the Goddess stands.
"He knew others, because perfectly acquainted
with himself. He cared nothing for place, but
everything for principle; a little for money, but
everything for independence. Where no prin-
ciple was involved, easily swayed — willing to
go slowly, if in the right direction — sometimes
willing to stop; but he would not go back, and
he would not go wrong.
"He was willing to wait. He knew that the
event was not waiting, and that fate was not the
125
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
fool of chance. He knew that slavery had de-
fenders, but no defense, and that they who at-
tack the right must wound themselves.
"He was neither tyrant nor slave. He neither
knelt nor scorned.
"With him, men were neither great nor small
— they were right or wrong.
"Through manners, clothes, titles, rags and
race he saw the real — that which is. Beyond
accident, policy, compromise and war he saw
the end.
"He was patient as Destiny; whose undeciph-
erable hieroglyphs were so deeply graven on his
sad and tragic face.
"Nothing discloses real character like the use
of power. It is easy for the weak to be gentle.
Most people can bear adversity. But if you
wish to know what a man really is, give him
power. This is the supreme test. It is the glory
of Lincoln that, having almost absolute power,
he never abused it, except on the side of mercy.
"Wealth could not purchase, power could not
awe, this divine, this loving man.
"He knew no fear except the fear of doing
wrong. Hating slavery, pitying the master —
126
ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN PEORIA 1854
seeking to conquer, not persons, but prejudices
— he was the embodiment of the self-denial, the
courage, the hope and the nobility of a Nation.
"He spoke not to inflame, not to upbraid,
but to convince.
"He raised his hands, not to strike, but in
benediction.
"He longed to pardon.
"He loved to see the pearls of joy on the
cheeks of a wife whose husband he had rescued
from death.
"Lincoln was the grandest figure of the fiercest
civil war. He is the gentlest memory of our
world."
127
3§ 6 =-'° g
H s 5 re J * -; ^ 3 ;
J < re n 5' : -' „ ft '
JS' res ■ c 3 <">
-| 5 «
|| : g|"pg| l^lisl'l-S^s'l 1 It^Is II l~: i-l"5-!
2**6 ££5 £
P.Cis re J> g
l|P|i|
n- • ~ 3" JT Ci. * P w "^^Ow
g? c h 3 m, o> ^ p s s:
o =_^
r. P
"3op^p.^3 js > - k.
Z _ :«• B. 7 EL j? p' s =- = jr - tt K ? ~ -• = U ~ - p H
rru * •' r- = 7 cm a° ?Jft_?Li Se c «. r ?_:*_<£_ t - - *
" H ='• c 2~S' ~ O IT'c ^ r'^ 5 =■ H o E
3 erq s w £_'< r x a? r - § §_ p § p
J5 £ c- — V" c_ a 5 —£_o p
3 ■•- g- g S 8 * f »> £ F
,J r 5 "' EL ■<. H P B ST S3
R § §*• s & 3. *.. cc 3 ■ &
n S - F 1 ^ £ S pelts'
p ET C- c r § ;r~ =c2
IfPV'e^a-Si o 3.§ f
►- rr* t- 3 rr. r^ rft _^
p o
c* er s o c
\" «f ~ e»5"sr5
£ C- = 3,
c «. Er =T
5' 5S'S
C >- P C [* h^rr- - "" O
►J- £3 "-J ~ 3? 5: k c — -d
< p 5 ^ » c p* (? » g » ifc «• §"•— *J
— £. w p 3c<2y;5^o :r: c
Bffl srU i^t ■» tr* Si 1 • P •?• S) 5
TVNews
OpenLibrary